The influence of Chinese Communist Party elders appeared to be on the wane at the key annual summer conclave this year, sources said, underscoring President Xi Jinping’s dominance as he makes final preparations for his second term in office.
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China banned key imports from North Korea starting on Tuesday, choking off one of the isolated nation’s most important sources of foreign currency in response to the latest U.N. sanctions over the country’s nuclear-weapons program.
If China truly does want a peaceful resolution to the escalating nuclear crisis, it should address the two key weaknesses of the double-freeze solution, proposing a detailed, intrusive, and stringent verification regime and committing itself to serve as the principal enforcer of the agreement. China should make it clear that, were North Korea to violate the deal, it would immediately lose all of the protection and support it receives. Now that would be a deterrent.
Common sense goes that the first step in solving any problem is recognising there is one. But if one ignores the problem and allows it to balloon to the edge of a crisis before recognising the severity of the issue, that means common sense has long gone out the window and all one is left with is a mess or even worse. That is what has happened with China’s massive and fraud-ridden financial system in which a herd of “grey rhinos” brazenly grew, charged around, and punched big holes, threatening to sink the system with a full-blown systemic crisis.
Through rounds of reshuffles and a relentless war on corruption that has felled more than 200 senior officials, Xi has managed to place loyalists or associates of close allies in key positions in central and provincial government and powerful party departments. Many are now poised to be elevated to the Central Committee and some to the Politburo.
After the pomp and ceremony of China’s big military milestone this week, the sudden absence of President Xi Jinping and other key leaders from state television news bulletins on Wednesday was a familiar sign for China watchers – Beijing’s summer conclave has begun.
Sometime in the next few days, President Xi Jinping will probably decamp to a seaside resort on China’s northeastern coast for a key Communist Party conclave before a twice-a-decade leadership shuffle. The annual meeting in Beidaihe, a summer retreat for China’s most powerful leaders since the 1950s, is one of the last chances for party elders to weigh in on the lineup to rule the country for the next five years. The names will be revealed at the 19th Party Congress, which is likely to take place in October or November.
What does China want from Canada? And should Canadians, contrary to their welcoming prime minister, be worried about China’s interest in this land, particularly its urban real estate? No Canadian region is more impacted by Mainland Chinese capital than Metro Vancouver, a relatively small city of 2.5 million.
This isn’t a temporary tightening, but rather the new reality of President Xi Jinping’s internet. China’s censors have shown they can erase political criticism and dissent, and are now growing more ambitious, aiming to shape the world online to reinforce Communist Party values and morals. While embracing the efficiency and growth of the internet, what Chinese authorities want is an altered and nonthreatening version.
The fixation on headline GDP overlooks deeper issues shaping the China growth debate. That is because the Chinese economy is in the midst of an extraordinary structural transformation – with a manufacturing-led producer model giving way to an increasingly powerful services-led consumer model.
