China’s behavior in other territorial disputes also offers lessons for the future of the Sino-Indian border dispute. Despite a commitment to not militarize disputed islands and islets in the South China Sea, Beijing has continued to do so through incremental advances employing so-called grey zone tactics.
Read Here | WarOnTheRocks
The spectre haunting India today is that its worst-case scenario in Afghanistan is becoming reality – a Taliban takeover. Delhi watches with disquiet the United States unceremoniously dumping its “conditions-based” troop withdrawal agenda, cutting loose and quitting the war.
Read Here | Asia Times
China’s evolving security dynamics with the United States have compelled it to rethink its nuclear strategy to achieve effective deterrence. It is aiming to modernise its nuclear arsenal and increase its nuclear ambiguity through conventional-nuclear entanglement. Ambiguity will increase the risks of mischaracterisation and can have a destabilising impact on the Indo-Pacific region.
Read Here | ORF Online
For now, Brand Modi seems to have escaped into the political stratosphere, untouched by the conventional laws of political competition. It remains near the peak of its appeal, undiminished by a series of recent crises, each of which might have felled lesser leaders.
Read Here | The Diplomat
In the last two decades, the PLA Navy has secured access to bases in the Indian Ocean to the west and east of India, and periodically dispatches warships and submarines to patrol those waters. Long-running tensions between China and India meanwhile have mounted, culminating in June 2020 in a deadly clash on the Himalayan border in which dozens of soldiers were killed.
Read Here | The National Interest
In its bid to gain Asian hegemony, China views India as a major obstacle… Beijing’s ability to pressure its neighbour extends beyond the conventional battlefield and increasingly includes unconventional forms of warfare to achieve expansionist and coercive objectives.
Read Here | Foreign Affairs
Notwithstanding the thaw at the Sino-Indian border, India remains skeptical of tech encroachments by Beijing, much like the United States. Rather than a shared historic commitment to democratic values, it is this skepticism that will fuel the tech relationship forward — and continue to make life difficult for Huawei — in both countries.
Read Here | The Diplomat
Two recent reports on the health of global democracy make for dismal reading about India’s political trajectory. For the first time since the late 1990s, the pro-democracy nonprofit Freedom House downgraded India’s status from “Free” to “Partly Free,” on account of the country’s weakening protection of civil liberties.
Read Here | Foreign Affairs
From Beijing’s perspective, India has taken advantage of the BRICS on issues like terrorism and gained access to regional cooperation in inner Asia. At the same time, Beijing sees Delhi’s mobilising the Quad as balancing or even “blackmailing” China. Delhi’s small band of realists might see that as a compliment coming from Beijing’s hyper-realists.
Read Here | The Indian Express
Long before the present border dispute occurred, Sino-Indian relations had been steadily declining due to rampant misperceptions of the other side, contributing to a lack of trust. The most fundamental misperception between the two countries is the inability to comprehend each other’s international ambitions, yielding the fear that their foreign policies are targeted against the other.
Read Here | Carnegie India
