Trump, Jr., didn’t have a formal title within the Trump campaign, and he isn’t a member of the Trump Administration. In the emerging White House narrative, that makes him an outsider—a well-connected freelancer who wasn’t speaking or acting on behalf of his father or the campaign when he agreed to meet with Veselnitskaya.
Theresa May has vowed to continue as prime minister after agreeing what was dubbed an “Irish Bailout” from the Democratic Unionist Party. Speaking in Downing Street, after a 20-minute meeting with the Queen, a grim-faced Ms May announced she had the backing of the DUP to provide the “certainty” the country needed.
Former President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad is one of the most unique players on Iran’s political stage — an unpredictable figure who is no stranger to political U-turns. On Feb. 11, he officially announced that he would not back any candidate in the May 19 presidential elections. Yet, Ahmadinejad, who was president from 2005 until 2013, has become one of the most active campaigners — even more so than some of the candidates actually running in the race — and he is vigorously supporting his former deputy Hamid Baghaei, who announced his candidacy just days after Ahmadinejad’s announcement.
Why is Trump so out of sorts? It could be that he’s simply found, in fire-and-brimstone Donald, his latest role. Yet it seems equally likely that Trump has stumbled into an Aesop’s fable of his own making. Having received what he so fervently wished for, he’s now found that leading the free world is a miserable chore.
In August 1977, a small crew from Pakistan Television (PTV), visited a house of a former general of the Pakistan Army. The general had also been the country’s president between March 1969 and December 1971. He had been living in that house since early 1972 and was hardly ever seen in public for over five years. He had been under house arrest. Apart from this, he had also become a virtual recluse.
However, perhaps the most important question to ask as Trump enters office is not what the President wants to do, but what exactly he can do. In the execution of national security and foreign policy initiatives, this question becomes particularly important. Since the end of World War II, U.S. presidents have progressively expanded the reach of executive authority over the levers of foreign policy and national security and, in the 15 years since 9/11, that authority has only deepened.
That socioeconomic despair was profitably channeled to elect a president who—beyond his politics—represents a threat to most of the values the technocracy holds dear: transparency; multiculturalism; expertise; social progress. And, in the greatest of ironies, he used the tools and language of the technocracy to do it.
Donald Trump’s “Make America Great Again” campaign refrain will become the driving vision of the federal government when the billionaire developer takes the oath of office as president. Here are the 10 best indicators to judge the impact of his policies in the next four years and determine whether the economy lives up to Trump’s pre-election promises.
Whether he knows it or not, the specter of Lyndon Baines Johnson haunts Donald John Trump. There are some jarring similarities — two big, fleshy men given to vulgarities and gauche behavior, boastful, thin-skinned, politically amoral, vengeful, unforgiving and, most important, considered illegitimate presidents. For Johnson, that took some time to sink in; Trump is already there.